Noam Chomsky, Jewish Voice for Peace: Donate NOW !


Join Noam Chomsky: become a donor to Jewish Voice for Peace

Dear Sir,

One of JVP’s strengths is our incredible Advisory Board – which includes activists, artists, and writers like Naomi Klein, Tony Kushner, and Michael Ratner. Legendary author and activist Noam Chomsky is also a founding member of our Advisory Board –  and he wrote this note to explain why he thinks so highly of JVP, and to ask you to join him by making a tax-deductible year-end donation. Right now, it will be matched dollar-for-dollar by a group of our most committed donors.

I was raised in Philadelphia in a world of Jewish immigrants, immersed in Hebrew culture—and through my extended family—introduced to radical working class politics.

In the 1940s, I supported equal rights for Jews and Arabs, a view that today would be considered practically treasonous. Then again, a lot of my views on war, empire, capitalism and so forth have been viewed as treasonous. At least they were at first.

These days, there are really only a handful of Jewish organizations that honor the traditions of universal equality that inspired me to be an activist so many years ago.

Jewish Voice for Peace is one of them, and I hope you’ll join me and become a JVP donor with a $36 tax-deductible contribution – especially now when every dollar you give through midnight, December 31 will be matched.

I know first-hand how rough it can be to speak out about the terrible consequences of unconditional U.S. support for Israeli policies.

Policies that violate international law, and the human rights of Palestinians and also Israelis, like the Bedouin.

The truth is, none of us can do this work alone. To shift the balance of power, we have to build a grassroots movement that can challenge the status quo.

And this is why I support Jewish Voice for Peace—because they’re doing just that.

JVP is fearless – they regularly go toe-to-toe with organizations with 10 and 50 times their budget.

They’re principled – their commitment to international law and justice is unwavering.

They’re smart – they have built a large grassroots base, are strategic in their campaigns, and know how to leverage limited resources to make big impacts.

Groups like Jewish Voice for Peace don’t get big donations from foundations or billionaire donors. They exist because thousands of people just like you and me chip in what we can.

So please join me. Make a gift now. The impact will be doubled if you give before midnight, December 31st.

Becoming a JVP donor is something tangible you can do, today, to change the world.

Please click here to chip in a $36 or even $50 tax-deductible gift today.



Noam Chomsky
JVP Advisory Board member

Contact Info:
Jewish Voice for Peace
1611 Telegraph Ave, Suite 550
Oakland, CA 94612

Donate NOW:

About kruitvat

I am working for the Belgian human rights association 'Werkgroep Morkhoven' which revealed the Zandvoort childporn case (88.539 victims). The case was covered up by the authorities. During the past years I have been really shocked by the way the rich countries of the western empire want to rule the world. One of my blogs: «Latest News Syria» (WordPress)/ Je travaille pour le 'Werkgroep Morkhoven', un groupe d'action qui a révélé le réseau pornographique d'enfants 'Zandvoort' (88.539 victims). Cette affaire a été couverte par les autorités. Au cours des dernières années, j'ai été vraiment choqué par la façon dont l'Occident et les pays riches veulent gouverner le monde. Un de mes blogs: «Latest News Syria» (WordPress)/ Ik werk voor de Werkgroep Morkhoven die destijds de kinderpornozaak Zandvoort onthulde (88.539 slachtoffers). Deze zaak werd door de overheid op een misdadige manier toegedekt. Gedurende de voorbije jaren was ik werkelijke geschokt door de manier waarop het rijke westen de wereld wil overheersen. Bezoek onze blog «Latest News Syria» (WordPress) ------- Photo: victims of the NATO-bombings on the Chinese embassy in Yougoslavia
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1 Response to Noam Chomsky, Jewish Voice for Peace: Donate NOW !

  1. kruitvat says:

    A portrait of Chomsky as a young Zionist

    I had the opportunity a few weeks ago to meet with leading American social critic Noam Chomsky in his office at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where we spoke about a number of issues of international youth activism regarding American involvement in the Israel-Palestine conflict. One of the issues I was curious about was his youth advocacy work within the Zionist movement during the waves of foreign immigration to—and settlement of—Palestine, before Israel was established.

    Today, as a result of Zionist expansion over the area whereby 78% of former Palestine has been swallowed up, the remaining 22% (Gaza, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem) is held under a harsh and crushing 44-year military occupation, while starkly illegal Israeli settlement rapidly continues in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem at the authorization of, and through provisions provided by, U.S. power and policy.

    In the opening paragraphs of his 1969 essay, “Nationalism and Conflict in Palestine,” Chomsky begins by providing some personal background to his remarks on the subject: “I grew up with a deep interest in the revival of Hebrew culture associated with the settlement of Palestine… enormously attracted, emotionally and intellectually, by what I saw as a dramatic effort to create, out of the wreckage of European civilization, some form of libertarian socialism in the Middle East.”

    Though Zionism today has many different meanings to many different people, a point that elicits some wonderment, even confusion, among both those who call themselves “pro-Israel” and among those who struggle to end Israeli apartheid, is this old brand of Zionism, seemingly all but extinct today. While clearly accepting, or at least trying to shape in a particular direction, foreign settlement of Palestine as the norm in the pre-state period, these Zionists advocated for what they described as a democratic and secular Palestine, as opposed to a Jewish state. Here Professor Chomsky speaks about his experiences within this little-known area of history:

    SCHIVONE: You’ve mentioned that you were a Zionist youth organizer opposed to a Jewish state. What sort of Zionism did you and other youth envision and want to organize around?

    CHOMSKY: I was connected to a considerable part of the Zionist movement which was opposed to a Jewish state. It’s not too well known, but until 1942 there was no official commitment of Zionist organizations to a Jewish state. And even that was in the middle of World War II. It was a decision made in the Hotel Biltmore in New York, where there was the first official call for a Jewish state. Before that in the whole Zionist movement, establishing a Jewish state was maybe implicit or in people’s minds or something, but it wasn’t an official call.

    The group that I was interested in was bi-nationalist. And that was not so small. A substantial part of the Kibbutz movement, for example, Hashomer Hatzair, was at least officially anti-state, calling for bi-nationalism. And the groups I was connected with were hoping for a socialist Palestine based on Arab-Jewish, working-class cooperation in a bi-national community: no state, no Jewish state, just Palestine.

    There were significant figures involved in that. Actually one of them in Philadelphia was Zellig Harris, the guy I ended up studying with at the University of Pennsylvania. He was one of the leaders of a group called Avukah. By the time I got there it had disbanded but through the 1930s and early 1940s it was quite an important organization of left-wing, Zionist, anti-state, young Jews. Plenty of people went through that—a lot of people who are pretty well-known now—from all over the place. It was not an insignificant part of the young, left Jewish community in the United States, and happened to be partially in Philadelphia.

    I can remember when the UN partition resolution was announced in 1947. It was almost like mourning in these circles because we didn’t want a Jewish state.

    The Anglo-American Commission claimed that about 25% of the Jewish population in Palestine was opposed to a state. There was kind of a different mentality at the time. To talk about socialism wasn’t considered a joke at that time. It was a real meaningful, live phenomenon. And a large part of the Yishuv—the Jewish community in Palestine—was, in fact, a co-operative community with collectives, co-operative industry, commerce, lots of socialist institutions. They were also racist Jews. But there was also a lot of opposition to that, too in our groups. We thought they should be Arab-Jewish.

    From about then, from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, I think bi-nationalism was actually a feasible objective. Even then it could have moved in that direction. By then it would have taken a different form than pre-1948, of course. But there could have been moves toward a kind of federalism, which might have evolved further into a more integrated, bi-national community. And, in fact, even elements of Israeli intelligence were pressing for something like this.

    By 1975, the opportunity had been lost. By that time, Palestinian nationalism had entered the international agenda and mainly among Palestinians. And since about 1975, I don’t think there has been any way of realizing objectives like that except in stages with a two-state settlement being the first stage. If there was some other way of doing that, I’d be in favor of that, but I’ve never heard of it.

    People now talk about one state—which would, of course, be a bi-national state—but without saying how you get there. At that time of my youth, there was, pre-1948. In the early 1970s, it was possible to think about how to get there directly. Now, as far as I can see, the only way to achieve goals like that is indirectly, through a two-state.

    And incidentally, I’ve never been really in favor of a bi-national state because I don’t see any reason to worship the imperial borders. They’re perfectly arbitrary. Actually, when my wife and I lived on a kibbutz back in the early 1950s, we were backpacking around the place.

    Before you were at MIT?

    Before MIT, we were grad students. We were backpacking in the Northern Galilee, in Israel. We happened to cross the border. The border wasn’t marked. We didn’t know. There was a road, and we just walked across the border. The only reason we knew is, a jeep came by on the Israeli side and the guy started yelling at us, telling us to get back on that side. But aside from the imperial powers, there’s no reason to honor those borders. There ought to be a more regional integration, in which communities run their affairs as integrated as they choose—sort of what existed under the Ottoman Empire. True, nobody wants the Ottoman Empire but some of the structures it had were pretty reasonable for that area.

    Was going to live there part of actualizing your ideals of Arab-Jewish cooperation?

    Yeah, at the time we intended to. We were in the middle of school and thought we would go back and stay. In fact, my wife went back and stayed for a longer period. We thought we might go and never did. There were a lot of impediments. The country [Israel] was very different from the way it is now, but there were a lot of problems. But at that time these were not considered outlandish ideas. They were not at the center of the Zionist movement but they were an element of it.

    Gabriel Matthew Schivone is a Chicano-Jewish American, founder of Jewish Voice for Peace at the University of Arizona and co-founder of U.A. Students for Justice in Palestine. He is also a volunteer with migrant justice organization No More Deaths/No Más Muertes. He currently attends Arizona State University and can be followed on Twitter via @GSchivone. He writes the Other Voices column for the New Voices Magazine blog.

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